US Labor Against War (USLAW)

James Young

US LABOR AGAINST WAR (USLAW). More than one hundred labor union activists and their allies founded USLAW in Chicago in January 2003 in hope of slowing the Bush/Cheney administration’s charge into war with Iraq. They sought in the process to counter the clamor of many labor leaders who supported the latest of the US government’s military ventures and to encourage AFL-CIO president John Sweeney to adopt their position. The USLAW’s adopted a resolution that declared solidarity with Iraq’s workers and identified the pro-war campaign as cover for a sagging economy, governmental corruption, and unemployment. Further, they reached out to other groups and called for anti-war actions over the next month.

War nevertheless broke out in March, motivating USLAW to meet again in October and establish itself as a permanent organization. Thereafter, USLAW opposed the continuation of the war and demanded the return home of US troops. Signaling an expanded purview for the future, the group called in 2005 for US/NATO withdrawals from both Iraq and Afghanistan and then an end to US military occupations of all foreign countries. To these positions were added proposals for cuts in military spending and a reallocation of such monies to healthcare and to other human welfare purposes. Similarly, USLAW widened and deepened its sphere of concerns to include the backing of adequate provisions for veterans and military families, immigrants’ rights, an end to the “endless war on blacks” and on American workers in general. The group also opposed war on Iran, the blockade of Cuba, and the anti-worker economic policies and repression in Colombia, in keeping with its declaration of support for workers around the globe. The USLAW also charged that “U.S. Billionaires Stoke War with China,” in addition to demanding an end to “Socialism for the Rich” and assistance to workers hit the hardest by the 2020 coronavirus pandemic.

USLAW’s activism stemmed from strong commitments to other labor and labor-friendly organizations and individual members. National organizations and large local unions (10,000 or more members) received steering committee seats automatically, and some 33 organizations have met that criterion. Smaller locals also abounded. Thirteen locals – big and small – of the Service Employees International Union belonged to USLAW at one time as did seven American Federation of Teachers (AFT) locals and multiple units from AFSCME, Unite HERE, and the Communications Workers of America (CWA). Regional member-entities were plenty, especially in the Chicago area and California, in Philadelphia, and Wisconsin, as well South Carolina. A number of allies were among the United Students Against Sweatshops, Ohio Labor Party, Vermont Workers Center, Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW), several union retiree groups, and the Labor Network for Sustainability. The focal points, however, remained largely in the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic region, Chicago and the Upper Midwest, and on or near the West Coast.

The activities of USLAW varied significantly, but virtually all fell under the heading of political education on global economic and social justice. Leaders’ public speaking appearances in person or through the media, demonstrations and marches, workshops and training sessions were undertaken alone and in coalition with other groups. These activities were funded almost entirely by affiliates’ dues and small donations. Foundation grants were marginal, constituting less than 1 percent of the organization’s income. USLAW accepted no corporate or government.

Further reading

McKillen, Elizabeth. “Labor and the Legacies of World War I” March 20, 2017. LAWCHA Website. https://www.lawcha.org/2017/03/20/labor-legacies-world-war/.

“Bill Fletcher and USLAW” Portside. August 17, 2015. https://portside.org/2015-08-17/bill-fletcher-and-uslaw.